<^>*4  .  »,  ^.^OU^^Ua^ 


AO% ,  u.^  y  ^<^*<^/' .    /  s > ^  i^c<,  ,  z'  i;K  ©1-^  . 


THE    KTT.FORT 

OF   THE 

COMMIT lEE   ON   FOREIGN   AFFAIRS^ 

ON   THE 

PRESIDPJNT'S     MESSAGE, 
THE  CONFEDERATE  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES 


I'  u  --  ■.-  v-  ,v..    :»   ■    'j  '  . 

The  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  to  whom  was  referrea-so 
much  of  the  President's  Mcssno-e  as  relates  t.o  the  affairs  of  the 
Confederate  States  with  the  United  States,  respectfully  report : 

That  the  truthful  and  able  narration  of  the  facts  and  prhici- 
pies  involved  in  the  contest  between  the  Confederate  States 
and  the  United  States,  Avhich  the  President's  Message  contains, 
constitutes  a  vinj^ication  of  the  course  of  the  Confederate  States, 
Avhich  ought  to  satisfy  the  world  of  the  justice  of  their  cause. 
But  all  who  propose  to  change  the  general  order  of  thin^-s 
amongst  nations,  stand  at  disadvantage.  They  are  looked  upon 
as  assailing  the  peace  of  the  world;  and  hence  those  who  break 
up  a  long  established  government,  and  effect  thereby  the  interests 
of  other  nations,  owe  it  to  them,  as  well  as  themselves,  to  make 
the  justification  of  their  course  as  complete  as  possible.  The 
contest  between  the  Confederate  and  the  United  States,  is"  not 
merely  a  contest  of  war.  Wars  too  often  determine  nothing,  but 
which  nation  is  the  strongest  or  bravest.  This  contest  is  a 
contest  for  constitutional  government,  in  whicli  the  interests  of 
all  mankind  are  concerned.  Your  conunittee  therefore  propose 
on  the  wide  subject  connnitted  to  tlieni,  briefly  to  present  some 
views  in  support  of  the  President's  positions,  which  may  not  be 
useless  in  elucidating  the  relations  between  the  Confederate 
and  the  United  States. 

The  real  issue  involved  in  the  relations  between  the  North 
and  thf^  S<H,)1.  r.f  tlie  American  States,  is  the  great  principle  of 


self-p^ovcrnment.  Sliall  n  dominant  party  of  the  North  rule  the 
South,  or  shall  the  people  of  the  South  rule  thcyiselves.  This  is 
the  great  matter  in  controversy.  After  the  lai)se  of  eightjr- 
four  years,  this  party  of  the  North  set  uj)  the  same  pretension 
the  British  Parliament  claimed  Over  our  ancestors  in  1TT6.  .As 
tlu'  British  crown  contended,  that  the  British  Parliament  ^va« 
umnijiotent  in  !ts  Lctrislation  over  the  Colonies,  sothe  Northern 
]ieoi>le  now  couteud,  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States^ 
through  their  majority,  is  omnipotent  in  its  legislation  over  the 
])eople  of  the  South.  AVhilst  the  North — the  stronger  section 
of  the  Union — ■\vrs  not  tmited  in  using  its  jiower  in  Congress, 
the  Southern  i»eople  tolerated  the  union  with  them.  Although 
a  sectional  minority,  they  were  not  necessarily  ruled  by  the 
majority  section,  liowever  despotic  were  its  principles,  until 
that  section  became  united  in  the  tise^of  its  sectional  power. 
That  unio;i  was  efiected,  in  the  late  Presidential  election.  On 
the  liscal  operations  of  the  government  in  the  laying  aiid  the 
expenditure  of  the  taxes,  they  were  previously  not  suttlciently 
miited,  completely  to  rule  the  South.  The  party  weight  of  the 
Soutl),  and  the  ability  and  skill  of  its  public  men,  kept  them  at  bay; 
Avhilst  the  people  of  the  North-West,  being  like  the  people  of 
the  South,  an  agricultural  people,  were  generally  opposed  to 
the  protective  tariff  policy — the  grand  sectionqjising  instrumen- 
tality of  the  North.  They  Avcre  allies  of  the  South,  to  defeat 
this  policy.  Hence  it  has  been  only  partially,  and  occasiojialiy 
successful.  To  JTiake  it  complete,  and  to  render  the  North 
omnipotent  to  rule  the  South,  the  division  in  the  North  must 
be  healed.  To  accomplish  this  object,  and  to  sectiunalise  the 
North,  the  agitation  concerning  African  slavery  iu  the  South 
was  commenced.  This  institution  was  purely  sectional,  be- 
longing to  the  Sovilli.  Antagonism  to  it  in  the  North  must 
also  be  sectional.  The  agitation  would  unite  the  South  against 
the  North,  as  much  as  it  united  the  North  against  the  South  ; 
but  the  Nortli  being  the  stronger  section,  would  gain  jMiwer  by 
the  agit.-ition.  Accordingly,  alter  the  overthrow  of  tiie  tarilf  of 
1828,  by  the  resistance  of  South  Carolina  in  18:^3,  the  agitation 
concerning  the  institution  of  African  slavery  in  the  Soiitli  was 
immediately  conunenced  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 
It  was  taken  u[)  by  the  Legislatures  of  the  Northern  States  ; 
and  upon  one  pretext  or  another  in  and  out  of  Congress,  it  h.is 
been  i)Ui'sued  from  that  day  to  the  fall  of  1860,  wheu  it  ouded 


in  the  election  of  a  President  and  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States,  by  a  purely  sectional  support.     The  great  end  was  at 
last  obtained,  of  a  united  North  to  rule  the  South.     The  iirst 
fruit  the  sectional  despotism  thus  elected  produced,  was  the 
tariff  lately  passed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States.     By 
this  tariif  the  protective  policy  is  renewed  in   its  most  odious 
and   oppressive  forms,  and  tlie  agricultural  States  arc   made 
tributaries  to  the  manufacturing  States.     It  has  revived  the  sys- 
tem of  S2)ecific  duties,  by  which,  the  cheaper  an  article  becomes, 
from  the  progress  of  art  or  the  superior  skill  of  foreign  manu- 
facturers— the  higher    is    the    relative  tax'  it  imposes.     S[)t- 
cifilc  duties,  is  the  expedient  of  liigh  taxation,  to  enforce  its  co!- 
lectioJi.     This  tarift' illustrates  the  oppressive  policy  of  the  North 
towards  the, feouth,  and  abounds  in  high  taxation  by  specific  du- 
ties.    It  is  a  war  on  tlie  foreign  commerce  of  the  country,  in 
wliich  the  Southern  people  are  chiefly  interested.     Exclusivelv 
an  agricultural  people,  it  is  their  policy,  to  purchase  the  nianti- 
factured  commodities  they  need,  in  the  cheapest  markets.     These 
are  aniongst  the  nations  of  Europe,  wlio  consume  five-sixths  of 
the  agricultural  productions  of  the  South.     The  late  tariff  pas- 
ed  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  was  designed  to  force 
the   Southern   people,   by  prohibitory  duties  to  consume   the 
dearer  manufactured  commodities  of  the  North,  instead  of  the 
cheaper  commodities  of  European  nations.     Wliat  is  this  but 
robbery?     Does  it  not  take  from  one  citizen  or  section  and  irivc 
to  another  ?     The  foreign  trade  of  the  United  States,  has  al- 
ways been  carried  on,  liy  our  agricultural  productions.     Our  ex- 
ports, are  the  basis  of  the  imports,  of  the  United  States.     Ui)on 
what  i)rinciple  of  justice  or  of  tlie  Constilution,  have  the  people 
of  the  North  intervened  between  us  and  our  natural  customers, 
and  forced  us   by  the  use  of  the   Federal  Government — layino- 
prohibitory  duties  on  the  production  of  foreign  nations — to  con- 
sume  fheir  productions  ?     Shall  we   not  have  the  right  to  deal 
directly  with   those  who   consume  our  agricultural  productions 
and  who  in  return   can  supply   us  with    their   cheaper   nianu- 
fai'iurod   commodities.     If  foreign  nations   can  .sell    us   freelv 
tliiir    manufactured     conunoditics,    in    consequence    of    flieir 
uruatcr  cheapness — can    they  not  aftbrd  to  give  us  more  for 
o\»r  cotton?     And  if    we    pay   less    for    their    manufactured 
commodities— are    Ave    not  so   much    the  richer  by  the  trade  V 
T))is  iMiilf  aloiio,  would  have  been  ample  cause  for  a  separation 


of  the  Southern  from  tlie  Xortlieni  States,  The  reign  of  sec- 
tional oppression  and  tyranny,  anticipated  by  the  seeedins:  States, 
is  fully  inauijurated   at  Washiiiijton,  by  the  ]»assage  of  this  act. 

It  may  be  suj)posed,  by  those  who  liavo  not  attentively  con- 
sidered the  history  of  the  past,  that  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  would  be  a  barrier  to  th(^  sectional  oinni]>otencc 
claimed  by  the  North,  in  the  administration  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States.  Undoubtedly,  the  Constitution  does  not 
authorize  the  assumption  of  the  jiowers  claimed  by  the  North- 
ern States.  It  was  established  on  the  ]irineij»le  of  non-interven- 
tion by  the  General  Government,  as  to  all  local  or  sectional  inter- 
ests whatever.  Its  framers  were  perfectly  aware  of  the  essential 
difference  between  the  States  (•ctm))Osing  the  United  States,  in 
climate,  productions  and  pursuits  of  industry.  There  "was  but 
one  way,  that  different  jieople,  with  such  various  interests,  co\dd 
live  free  and  harmoniously  under  one  Government.  All  local 
or  sectional  interests  must  be  left  to  the  exclusive  governance 
of  the  people  to  whom  they  belonged ;  and  only  such  general 
interests  should  be  committed  to  the  control  of  a  common  Gov- 
ernment, as  would  make  all  cipial,  and  equally  protected  in  their 
exercise.  Any  policy,  therefore,  which  is  local  or  sectional  in 
its  operations,  must,  from  the  very  nature  of  the  constitution,  be 
unconstitutional.  If  this  great  jninciple  of  the  Constitution 
bad  been  observetl,  there  would  have  been  no  serious  divisions 
or  contests  amongst  the  peo])le  of  the  United  States.  The 
interest  of  one  section  of  the  Union  was  the  interest  of  all,  in 
the  jiowers  exercised  by  the  (Jeneral  Government.  Hence,  a 
sectional  majority  could  not  exist.  Differences  in  policy  in 
carrying  out  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  would  be  com- 
mon to  all  sections  of  the  I'nion ;  and  a  majority  could  not  op- 
press a  minority,  Avithout  oj)])rcssing  themselves.  Party  con- 
tests for  power,  however  njuch  they  may  rage,  could  not  efiect 
the  stability  of  the  Union.  Antagonisms  would  be  vnthin  tJic 
s))here  of  general  interests,  to  be  protected  and  promoted  by 
general  powi-rs,  and  would  not  aiise  between  oj)posing  sections 
of  the  Union.  This  was  the  theory,  ui)on  which  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  T'^nited  States  was  built. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  operations  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  the  controling  party  of  the  people  of 
the  North  have  endeavori-d  to  destroy  its  limitations.  To  make 
it  sectional  in  its  operations,  and  subservient  to  their  sectional 


interest.^,  and  to  make  the  government  of  the  United  States 
itself  a  consolidated  government,  lias  been  the  aim  of  their 
steady  and  nnintermitted  efforts.  By  the  necessities  of  iiatnre, 
tlieir  industry  must  he  engaged  in  nnvigation,  connnercc  or 
manufactures.  Amongst  the  first  laws  they  ohtained  from  con- 
gress, were  laws  granting,  them  hounties  in  their  fisheries,  by 
which  an  annual  tribute  has  been  obtained  by  thcii  fishermen 
from  th^  treasury  of  the  United  States,  from  1/89  to  this  day. 
They  obtained  a  monoply  to  their  vessels  of  the  whole  coasting 
trade  of  the  United  States,  by  which  the  Southern  people  have 
been  dc^barred  from  using  the  cheaper  navigation  of  other  na- 
tions. They  have  ha<l  discrimin.ations  in  the  duties  imposed 
on  iiiii)ortations  in  the  vessels  of  foreign  nations,  so  thn.t  the 
people  of  tlie  South  may  be  compelled,  by  tlie  increased  duties 
kid  on  foreign  commodities  wlien  brought  in  foreign  bottoms, 
to  employ  their  vessels  to  import  them.  Ko  vessel  built  in  a 
foreign  nation,  although  purchased  by  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  can  be  protected  by  the  flag  of  the  United  States— thus 
forcing  us  to  buy  vessels  built  by  them.  The  same  selfish  and 
sectional  ])olicy  they  endeavored  to  carry  out  with  respect  to 
all  branches  .of  their  industry,  through  the  Tariff  and  the  ex- 
penditures of  the  govern-ment.  All  encronchments  by  Congress 
on  tho  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  they  have  uniformly 
uplield  ;  until  at  last  the  Constitution,  by  their  interpretation,  is 
virtually  abolished,  and  now  consists  only  in  three  words — "the 
general  welfare,"  ofwhich  they  are  the  judges  and  dispensers. 
T\v:  la;  t  phasis  of  their  usurpations,  claimhig  for  "Congress  the 
power  to  exclude  the  Southern  people  from  settling  any  por- 
tion of  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  was  only  a  fur- 
ther development  of  their  policy  of  sectional  rule  and  consol- 
idation. 

It  is  impossible,  we  suppose,  for  the  M'it  of  man  to  conceive  a 
worse  government,  than  that  by  which  the  absolute  rule  of  one 
jieople,  acting  under  jtopular  institutions,  is  established  over 
another  people,  having  different  jjursuits  of  industry,  habhs, 
and  institutions.  In  such  a  government,  the  forms  of  free  gov- 
ernment, instead  of  afiording  any  mitigation,  only  increase  the 
tendency  to  excess  and  tyranny.  Of  what  avail  is  representa- 
tion in  a  legislative  body,  where  the  majority  are  united  together 
to  aggrandize  their  section,  at  the  expense  of  the  minority  sec- 
tion ?     The  oppressed  minoiity  in  the  legislature,  may  be  zeal- 


ously  faithful  to  the  people  they  represent,  and  yet  they  are 
perfectly  powerless  to  protect  them.  Do  they  show,  to  a  dem- 
onstration, that  the  peoi)le  they  represent  are  wronged  and 
plundered  by  the  measures  proposed  bythe  majority  ?  They 
are  offering  the  very  best  motives  and  arguments,  why  the 
measures  shonld  pass.  The  majority,  mean  to  plunder  and 
wrong  the  minority.  They  mean  to  make  the  weaker  section 
tln'ir  tributaries.  Between  a  representation  incompetent  to  pro- 
tect, and  no  representation,  there  is  no  difference,  wh'fere  there 
are  conflicting  interests  in  a  legislative  body.  And  in  the  elec- 
tion of  a  Chief  Magistrate,  of  what  use  is  the  right  of  suffrage, 
when,  if  every  man  in  the  oppressed  section  should  vote  against 
the  candi<late  of  the  stronger  section,  (as  the  Southern  States 
ditl  in  the  late  Presidential  election)  they  cannot  prevent  his 
election.  He  is  the  exponent  and  instrument  of  the  stronger 
section;  and  is  elected,  simply  because  he  is  their  exponent. 
The  only  effect  of  the  riglit  of  suffrage  under  such  circumstan- 
ces to  a  minority,  is  to  elect  an  enemy  to  rule  them  ;  and  the 
ofdy  efll'Ct  of  representation,  is  to  give  the  majority  power  to 
legislate  for  their  oppression.  By  the  forms  of  a  free  govern- 
ment therefore,  a  many-headed  despotism  may  be  established  by 
a  stronger  section  over  a  weaker  section,far  worse  than  the 
despotism  of  one  man.  One  man  may  have  a  conscience ;  but 
men  acting  in  masses,  seldom  exhibit  conscientious  scrui)les.  . 
Individuality  and  responsibility,  are  lost  in  numbers.  That  "a 
cori)oration  has  no  soul,"  is  the  proverbial  aphorism  of  English 
law,  indicating  the  unscru|)ulousness  of  men  acting  in  masses. 
A  single  despot  has  no  motive  to  oppress  one  portion  of  his 
pcDple,  more  than  another;  but  here,  one  half  of  a  country  rises 
u])  to  plun<ler  and  oppress  another  half. 

The  States  composing  the  Confederate  States,  needed  no  de- 
velopment of  the  nature  of  the  consolidated  government  estab- 
lished at  Washington,  by  the  late  Presidential  election,  to  satisfy 
them,  of  its  desi)Otic  tendencies.  With  the  Constitution  over- 
thrown, and  the  government  of  the  United  States  in  the  hands 
of  a  hostile  section,  not  only  liberty,  but  self-preservation,  de- 
manded their  separation  from  it.  To  accomplish  this  separa- 
ti(m,  uo  usurpation  of  power  Avas  required.  They  had  the  ready 
instrumentality,  in  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  There  is  not 
a  fict  in  all  history  more  indisputable,  than  that  the  several 
States  which  adopted  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  for 


.-% 


the  establishment  of  a  government  over  them,  at  the  tune  of 
its  adoption,  Avere  free,  sovereign,  and  independent  States. 
Robed  with  all  the  attributes  of  sovereignty,  did  they,  by  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  surrender 
their  sovereignty  ?  If  they  did,  the  fact  should  be  clearly  shown. 
Not .  one  of  the  powers  granted,  was  surrendered  by  the 
States  to  each  other,  much  less  to  their  mere  agent — the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States.  Every  act  of  their  agent,  in 
conformit?5-  to  the  powers  conferred,  was  their  act.  Its  powers, 
were  their  powers.  They  called  themselves  under  this  consti- 
tution, "  United  States."  As  states  acting  with  equal  power, 
they  made  the  Constitution :  as  States  acting  severally,  tl,iey 
adopted  it;  and  by  the  States  only,  it  can  be  amended.  It 
is  an  antunaly  imheard  of  in  the  political  jurisprudence  of  na- 
tions— that  the  sovereignty  of  a  nation  is  destroyed,  because  it 
ex<lrcises  any  of  its  powers  by  exi)ress  compact,  in  common 
with  another  sovereignty.  They  have  establiislied  a  govern- 
mental agency,  in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  for 
their  common  benefit.  They  are  the  sovereign  parties  to  the 
constitutional  compact,  establishing  this  agency  ;  and  when  the 
com|>act  is  violated  by  their  eo-sovereigns,  they  have  the  right 
to  reject  it,  and  tC  establish  for  themselves  another  agency  in 
its  stead.  There  is  not  one  w'ord  in  the  bonstitutioii  of  the 
United  Stated  which  denies  thiis  right,  and  nothing  but  a  plain 
specific  alienation  of  it  can  wrest  it  from  the  States. 

In  seceding  therefore,  frouT  the  United  States,  the  Con- 
federate States  have  only  exercised  a  right  inherent  in  all 
Sovereignties.  In  their  judgment,  the  agreement  they  had  made 
with  the  Northern  States  had  been  grossly  violated.  Its  whole 
purpose  was  overthrown.  Instead  of  an  agency  of  very  limited 
power,  having  for  its  object  the  defence  of  the  States  against 
ilie  aggressions  of  foreign  nations,  it  has  been  converted  into  a 
government  of  milimited  internal  powers.  Unless  the  peoi)le  of 
the  Confederate  States  were  prepared  to  surrender  forever  their 
liberties,  there  was  but  one  course  left  for  them  to  pursue — tliey 
innitt.  escape  from  the  domination  of  such  a  government. 

But  they  have  a  right  to  withdraw  from  the  Union  by 
virtue  of  another  and  broader  princij)lc. 

In  1776,  the  Southern  and  Northern  States  were  colonies  of 
Great  Britain.  The  British  Government  set  up  the  pretension  to 
lax  them   unjustly  ;  and  as  they  thought,  witliout   authority. 


8 

The)'  refused  obedience  to  tlie  taxes,  threw  off  the  British  Gor- 
ernment,  and  set  up  a  Government  for  themselves.  In  their 
Deflarntion  of  Independence,  they  jn>5tif!ed  their  course  upon 
the  broad  ground,  that  ''tlie  people  liave  a  right  to  alter  or  abol- 
ish their  Government,  laying  its  foundation  upon  such  princi- 
ples, and  organizing  its  jKiwers  in  such  form  as  to  them  may 
seem  most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness."  A  right 
to  be  a  right,  is  entitled  to  the  respect  of  all  men  and  nations. 
One  people  cannot  have  a  right,  and  another  people  be  justified 
in  taking  it  from  them.  Any  attempt  to  take  it  fro(n  them, 
mtist  be  a  wrong.  Hence  our  ancestors  denounced  the  course 
of  Great  Britain  in  attempting  to  subdue  them  to  her  authority, 
in  contravention  of  this  right.  "Whether  this  right  exists  or 
not,  it  is  imdeniable  that  our  ancestors  affirmed  that  it  exist- 
ed; and  it  constituted  not  only  the  basis  on  which  they  changed 
their  Government,  but  the  basis  on  which  the  colonies  united 
their  destinies  together.  It  was  a  clearly  understood  ))rinciple 
of  Government  between  them  ;  and  is  just  as  obligatory  upon  all 
who  take  the  benefit  of  their  compact  of  union,  as  if  inserted  in 
the  Constitution  itself  The  j^eojile  of  the  North  and  the  peo- 
ple of  the  South,  having  solennily  before  the  world  asserted  the 
right  of  every  people  to  change  their  form  of  Government, 
come  together  and  make  a  union  and  Constitution.  Can  either 
of  them  deny  this  right  to  the  other,  consistent  Avith  :my  princi- 
ple of  good  faith  or  honor  ?  Is  it  not  a  moral,  as  well  as  a  po- 
litical law,  clearly  obligatory  npon  them? 

It  is  true,  that  every  peo])le  are  not  capable  of  self-govern- 
ment. The  self-restraint  and  obedience  to  law,  which  are  abso- 
lutely necessary  to  maintain  free  governments,  are  not  common 
to  all  the  people  of  the  world.  Instead  of  ruling  themselves, 
they  may  attempt  to  rule  others ;  and  the  right  to  selfgoveru- 
nient  may  be  so  abused,  as  to  justify  the  use  of  defensive  force 
from  wiiliin  to  enforce  justice,  or  from  without  by  other  nations, 
tojirotect  themselves.  The  people  of  the  North  cannot  say, 
that  tile  people  of  the  South  are  incapable  of  ruling  them- 
selves. They  caimot  say,  tiiat  by  assuming  a  separation  froni 
them,  Ave  take  from  them  any  guarantee  they  possess  for  their 
liberties  We  leave  them  in  no  coiuUlion  of  weakness  amongst 
the  nations  of  the  world.  We  set  up  no  monarchy  or  despotism 
on  their  borders,  dangerous  to  their  forms  of  free  Government. 
We  take  tlie  Constitution  under  Avhich  they  live,  and  purging 


it  of  llie  faithless  and  vicious  interpretations  they  have  put 
upon  it,  adopt  it  as  our  own.  Such  reasons  as  these  do  not, 
therefore,  govern  their  hostihty.  They  endeavor  to  coerce  us 
into  a  union  with  thorn,  by  mihtary  force,  with  a  \iew  of  ulti- 
mately overthrowing  our  domestic  institutions,  over  which  they 
have  constitutionally  no  control,  or  simply  because  we  are  use- 
ful to  them,  as  convenient  subjects  and  most  excellent  tributa- 
ries. 

It  is  true  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  great 
leaders  of  his  party  declare,  that  they  have  had  no  design 
whatever  to  assail  or  interfere  with  the  institution  of  African 
slavery  in  the  States.  But  the  laws  of  party  progre>JS,  are 
sometimes  as  inexorable  as  the  laws  of  nature.  That  they  have 
had  no  design,  at  present,  of  interfering  with  slavery  in  the 
States,  nmy  be  shnply  because  they  supposed  that  it  would 
di<solvc  tlie  Fnion.  Nor  have  they  agitated  the  subject  of 
slavery  from  any  regard  to  the  negro.  It  is  not  humanity 
which  has  dictated  this  agitation.  It  has  been  policy.  In 
the  sectional  dominion  they  propose  to  establish  in  the  Union, 
every  free  State  is  an  ally — every  slaveholding  State  an  enemy. 
Hence  the  struggle  in  our  territories  between  the  free  and 
slaveholding  States,  has  not  been  a  struggle  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  slaves,  ^t  has  been  a  contest  for  power,  between 
the  two  great  sections  of  the  Union.  The  South,  needing  the 
aid  of  slaveholding  States  arising  in  our  territories,  to  pro- 
tect herself  in  the  Union ;  and  the  North  requiring  them,  to 
assist  her  in  the  great  enterjirise  of  ruling  tlic  South.  But 
there  is  a  marked  ditference  in  this  contest,  between  the  two 
sections  of  the  Union,  in  the  matter  of  principle.  The  South- 
ern i)eople,  in  claiming  a  right  to  settle  in  territories  with" 
their  slaves,  assert  a  right  sanctioned  by  the  Constitution.  The 
Northern  people,  in  attempting  to  preclude  the  Southern  peo- 
ple, by  the  legislation  of  Congress  from  our  territories,  war 
against  the  Constitution.  This  is  the  declaration  of  the  Supreme  t 
Court  of  the  United  States.  If  the  Northern  position  Has 
prevailed  by  the  late  Presidential  election,  as  the  Northern 
people  maintain,  it  has  overthrown  the  Constitution.  P'or  by 
this  result,  a  party  hostile  both  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  have  been  placed  in  control 
of  the  Government.  This  alone  would  justify  a  disi^olution 
of  the  Union.     Abolish   the   Constitution,  and   the   Union  is 


10 

destroyed.  But  tlio  purport  of  the  late  Presidenti.il  election, 
goes  further  tlian  this.  It  places  a  sectional  party  over  the 
Government,  whicli  claims  despotic  sway  over  the  South.  This 
party  not  only  proposes  to  substitute  their  arbitrary  will  for 
the  Constitution,  but  by  the  denial  of  the  right  of  secession,  to 
close  up  the  South  forever,  to  their  sectional  domination. 

It  is  absurd  to  suppose,  that  any  people  having  any  sense  of 
indepondcnco  or  liluTty,  will  allow  another  people,  bccanso  they 
have  dilferent  institutions,  to  overtlirow  their  institutions.     Any 
people  may  assimilate  their  institutions  amongst  themselves;  but 
no  people  have  a  riglit  to  dictate  the  institutions  of  another  peo- 
ple. AVhether  all  the  States  composing  the  United  States,  should 
be  slaveholding  or  non-slaveholding  States,  neither  the  Northern 
nor  Southern  States  ought  to  have  })ermitted  to  be  a   question 
in  the  politics  of  the  United  States.     Such   a   question  was  de- 
rogatory to  both  sections  of  the  Union,  and  the  States  compos- 
ing them.    But  when  it  originates  with  the  North — the  stronger 
section,  whose  institutions  could  not  be  aftected  by  the  Soutli, 
the  weaker  section — tlie  intention  could  not  be  misunderstood. 
It  Avas  designed,  despite   the  Constitution,  to    unite  the  North 
against  the  South.     That  there  is  a  great   difference  between 
the  institutions  of  the  North   and   the    South,  none  will  deny ; 
but  whether  the  institutions  of  the  North  ha.ve  the  elements  of 
greater  stability  for  maintaining  free  popular  govei-nment,  may 
well  be  questioned.     The  South  has  the  institution   of  African 
slavery,  with  four  millions  of  slaves.     Their  slaves  have  no  po- 
litical power.     The  wliite  man  is    a    ])rivilegefl  man.     He  alone 
rules  the  country ;  whilst  the  offices  of  servitude  are  performed 
by  the  slaves.     With   the    North    it  is  ditterent.     They  have  a 
laboring    and    dependent    class,     who    perform    the    services 
of    the    slaves     in     the   Soutii,   but  they   are   voters.     With 
universal    suffrage  they  uiHuence  and   may  control   the    elec- 
tions, and  through  the  elections,  the  government.  The  evil  day, 
wlien  those  who   own   no    property  will  be  the  majority  at  the 
]>olls,  may  be   put  off  for   a   time.     It  has  been  put  off  in  the 
North,  by  our  vast   vacant   territory,  and  the  Union  with  the 
Sovitb,  showering  ujion  them  an  artilicial  prosperity.     But  the 
evil  day  must  come  at  last,  and  may  not  be  fiir  distant.    Nearly 
every  corner  of  Eui-ope,  acknowledges  its  existence.  And  when 
that  day  comes,  will   their  free    institutions  stand  the  conflict 
which  must  arise?     Will  property  be  protected  from  conlisca- 


11 

tion  and  appropriation?  Will  non-property  holders  live  iu  Avant 
and  starvation,  with  the  government  in  their  hands,  by  which 
they  can,  by  all  the  forms  of  law,  take  the  property  of  the 
country  for  their  sul)sistence  and  relief?  Xo  statesmanship  can 
prevent  want.  Wiien  the  day  arrives  at  the  North,  of  a  super- 
abounding  poj)ulation  and  want,  what  will  become  of  their  free 
institutions?  They  will,  indeed,  have  "  an  irrepressible  con- 
flict"^-but  it  Avill  be  between  capital  and  labor.  The  despotism 
they  are  so  ready  to  extend  over  tlie  South,  may  be  extended 
over  themselves. 

Nearly  all  the  political  contests  in  the  United  States,  have  orig- 
inated from  violations  of  the  Constitution.  Anticipating  that  they 
would  be  the  majority  pow«r  in  the  Union,  tlie  people  of  the 
North  have  steadily  upheld  the  policy  of  setting  aside  the  Con- 
stitution, and  of  thus  rendering  the  government  of  the  United 
States  omnipotent  in  its  legislation.  They  have  endeavored  to 
drain  the  treasurj-,  to  carry  on  internal  improvements,  and  at 
the  same  time  by  its  exhaustion,  to  aiford  a  pretext  for  higher 
tariff  duties  to  replenish  it!  They  pushed  their  oppressions, 
by  the  tariff,  to  such  an  extent  in  1828,  that  the  whole 
South  protested  against  it;  and  when  one  of  the  Southern 
States  resisted  it,  and  a  compromise  was  effected  by  which  the 
taxes  were  to  be  reduced  and  limited,  they  overthrew  the  com- 
promise, and  renewed  the  oppressions.  They  have  disregarded 
the  plain  obligations  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
to  deliver  up  lugitives  bound  to  service,  Avithout  which  guaran- 
tee on  their  part,  they  know,  tliat  the  Constitution  would  never 
have  been  formed ;  and  by  acts  passed  in  their  State  Legisla- 
tures, they  have  practically  nullilied  it.  With  these  various 
means  of  sectional  aggrandizement — protective  tariffs — appro- 
priations from  the  treasury — tlie  exclusive  settlement  of  our 
territories — and  anti-slavery  agitations — they  have  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  uniting  the  North  against  the  South.  To  escape 
their  ruthless  mastery,  the  Southern  States  were  compelled  to 
secede  from  the  Union  with  them. 

Such  has  been  the  conduct  of  tlie  people  of  the  North  towards 
the  people  of  the  South.  What  has  l)ecn  the  condiict  of  the 
people  of  the  South  towards  them?  Whilst  at  every  step,  the 
reconls  of  the  country  show,  thai  the  ])eople  of  the  South  were 
fully  aware  of  the  injustice  and  oppression  practised  towards 
them,  they  did  not  resist  them.     They  submitted  to  them,  un- 


12 

dcr  tlio  vain  liojx'  and  expectation  tliat  a  spirit  of  forbearance — 
a  spirit  of  fraternity  and  a  returning  sense  of  justice  in  the 
North,  would  i)reveat  future  aggressions.  They  had  been 
most  faitliful  confederates.  When  the  rights  of  any  of  the 
citizens  6f  any  of  the  United  States  were  assaik^d,  tliey  were 
foremost  to  redress  thcMU.  Tiiey  nude  the  war  of  1812,  to  re- 
dress the  wrongs  done  l)y  Great  Rrilain  to  Northern  ^eamen 
and  Xortliern  connnerce  ;  and  wlien  this  was  endwl,  they  con- 
sented that  the  war-taxes  slionUl  hekept  up,  tliat  Northern  inter, 
esta  vested  in  manufactures  shoukl  not  suddenly  Le  overthrown. 
No  narrow  sectionalism — no  ignoble  jealousies  limited  the 
broad  views  of  their  great  statenianship.  To  make  the  United 
States  as  illustrious  by  its  free  institntiojis,  as  for  its  unparalleled 
progress  and  prosperity,  was  the  high  aim  of  their  wise  policy. 
And  whilst  doing  their  duty  to  their  confederates,  as  a  constitu- 
ent portion  of  the  Union,  they  have  never  sought  to  use  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  to  benefit  themselves  at  the 
expense  of  other  portions  of  the  Union.  No  eager  })ur>uit  of 
gain  has  blinded  tlieir  sense  of  justice.  Tlieir  cities,  which  be- 
fore the  llevolution  of  177G  were  advancing  ra])idly  in  ]»rosperi- 
ty,  have  1)cen  paralysed  in  tlieir  growth,  and  have  swelkd  by 
their  tributary  commerce,  the  great  eonnnercial  emporiums  of  the 
Norlk  They  have  not  assailed  tlie  institutions  of  t  lie  Xortli,  al- 
though agrarianism,  Fourierism,  free-loveism,  mormonjsm,  have 
lound  there,  their  congenial  soil.  For  the  eightyrfour  yeais  that 
we  have  been  associated  with  them  mider  one  Government, 
we  liave  acted  on  the  principle,  that  the  Northern  Stati's  as 
the  Southern  States,  were  sovereigns,  mIiosc  internal  economy 
was  sacred  to  themselves.  And  now  when  we  leave  them,  we 
take  nothing  from  them.  We  leave  them  all  the  ends  of  free 
Government,  unimpaired  by  us,  as  laid  down  in  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  ''life,  liberty,  an<l  tlie  pursuit  of  happiness." 
We  simi)ly  take  tmrselves  from  their  jiolitical  association  and 
control.  AVhat  is  their  course?  They  otter  us  violence  and 
Avar. 

The  power  to  coerce  a  State  into  obedience  to  the  federal  an. 
thority,  was  distinctly  proposed  in  the  convention  which  fram- 
ed the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to  be  a  part  of  the 
Constitution,  and  it  was  as  distincly  rejected.  Such  a  powder 
was  totally  inconsistent  with  the  whole  theory  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, which  was — that  the  Constitution  was  a  compact  between 


13 

the  Statfis.  Ghe  Ic  tlic  r.g«.oit — the  General  Government — tlin 
power  of  construing  the  Constitution,  and  of  enforcing  its  con- 
structions upon  the  parties  to  the  Constitutional  compact,  and 
the  parties  to  tlie  compact  would  be  superceded.  The  framers 
of  the  Constitution  when  they  rejected  it,  could  not  have 
misunderstood  the  purport  of  the  proposition  to  confer  on  the 
General  Government  the  power  to  coerce  a  State.  Yet  in  the 
clear  light  of  the  princii)les  involved,  and  the  distinct  refusal  to 
grant  this  power,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  claims 
tliat  it  exists,  and  calls  out  troops  to  enforce  it.  If  their  blinded 
avarice  and  Inst  for  power,  had  left  them  their  usual  discretion, 
they  would  have  seen  the  absurdity  of  attempting,  to  subdue  the 
seceding  States  to  their  authority.  They  would  liave  hastened  to 
propose  terms  of  friendly  accommodation;  and  if  they  had  fail- 
ed to  save  a  union  with  us,  they  would  have  obtained  such  ar- 
rangements, as  might  have  made  the  South  as  valuable  to  them, 
as  tlie  United  States  proved  to  be  to  Great  Britain  after  their 
separation.  But  they  are  as  reckless  of  their  own  liberties  as 
they  are  of  ours  ;  and  support  their  Executive  in  an  usurpation 
of  powers,  for  which  in  the  purer  days  of  their  political  exis- 
tence, they  would  have  executed  him.  For  Avhat  crime  can  be 
greater,  than  that  of  unconstitionally  i)roducing  war  ?  Instead 
of  rebuking  the  usurper,  however,  the  people  of  the  Xorth, 
seem  to  recognize  in  the  President  a  correct  exponent  of  them- 
selves. If  the  Confederate  States,  ever  had  auy  doubt  as  to 
the  necessity  of  a  separation  from  the  people  of  the  North,  that 
doubt  would  be  removed  by  the  recklessness  with  which  they 
allow  their  own  liberties  to  be  trampled  on.  They  appear 
to  have  no  idea  of  free  Govei'ument.  Those  necessary  re- 
straints on  power — those  nicely  adjusted  balances,  by  which 
justice  and  liberty  are  secured  in  a  free  government,  are  not 
understood. 

The  future  historian  of  the  times  iu  which  we  live,  may  be 
astonished  at  the  long  forbearance  and  patience  of  the  people  of 
the  South,  under  the  continual  aggressions  of  the  people  of  the 
North.  Looking  merely  to  the  interest  of  the  people  of  the 
South,  their  submission  cannot  be  accounted  for  on  any  principle 
creditable  to  their  intelligence  or  patriotism.  But  a  people  are 
not  alwavs  governed  by  motives  of  interest.  There  are  tra- 
ditionary oi>inions  .and  attachments,  which  are  often  stronger 
m  their   intluence,  than   mere   interest.     An  attachment  to  the 


14 

Union  of  tlie  United  States,  was  a  sentiment — a  passion  witli 
tlie  pcoiile  of  the  South,  transmitted  to  them  by  tlieir  ancestors. 
The  great  liero  and  Patriot  of  the  Rcvohition  of '7G'w:i8  a 
Southerner.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  mainly 
tlie  work  of  Southern  statesmen.  All  the  Presidents  of  the 
United  StJates,  cxoe])ting  five,  were  Southerners.  In  the  cab- 
inet and  in  the  field,  the  Union  was  the  great  theatre  on 
which  the  genius  of  the  South  for  command,  was  displayed. — 
It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the  people  of  the  South 
should  he  slow  to  surrender  a  Union  and  government,  ren- 
dered illustrious  by  their  public  men,  and  reflecting  its  glories 
ou  themselves.  They  loved  the  Union,  and  could  with  difti- 
culty  realize  tliat  it  bound  them  to  their  bitterest  enemies. — 
Aggressing  on  the  Xorth  in  no  Avay — asking  only  the  observ- 
ance of  the  Constitution  their  Fathers  made  with  ours — con- 
scious that  the  operation  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  was  to  the  advantage  of  the  North,  all  the  motives  which 
usually  actuate  men  would  seem  to  render  it  most  reason- 
able, that  the  North  would  cease  its  senseless  aggressions. 
Such  was  the  reasonable  hope  and  expectation  of  the  people 
of  the.  South,  after  each  successive  contest;  Avhilst  their 
love  for  the  Union,  dictated  the  sacrifices  they  made  to  preserve 
it.  But  delusions  cannot  prevail  forever  against  facts.  Slowly 
but  surely  the  great  fiict  was  developed,  that  the  North 
designed  to  use  the  Union  to  overthrow  their  liberties,  and  to 
make  them  tributaries.  Their  generous  patience — their  heroic 
love  for  the  Union,  was  construed  hito  fear ;  and  presuming  on 
their  supposed  imbecility,  it  is  attempted  to  subject  them  by 
the  sword.  This  attempt  at  subjection  cannot  succeed,  and 
the  Union  between  the  North  and  the  South  is  forever  dis- 
solved. Conscious  of  the  justice  of  their  cause,  the  Confeder- 
ate States,  can  fearlessly  lace  the  arbitrament  of  the  world. 
They  accept  the  stern  trial  imposed  upon  them,  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  their  liberties  and  institutions;  and  relying  on  him  avIio 
alone  governs  the  destinies  of  nations,  enter  u})on  the  high  duties 
their  condition  involves. 

The  issuing  of  letters  of  marcpic  and  re[)risal  to  privateers,  has 
been  the  usual  practice  of  all  nations  at  war  with  each  other.  An 
effort  was  made  a  few  years  since,  by  the  chief  European  nations 
to  abolish  this  practice,  by  the  consent  of  the  civilized  nations  of 
the  Avorld.     It  was  defeated  by  the  government  of  the  United 


15 

States,  They  refused  to  surrender  the  right  to  cniploy  the 
"  militia  of  the  seas"  iu  any  future  conflict  Avith  other  nations. — 
They  preserved  it  for  themselves,  and  we  presume  for  the  rest 
of  the  -world.  They  at  least,  cannot  object  to  privateers  being 
employed  against  them,  in  any  war  in  Avhich  they  may  be  en- 
gaged. Our  late  associates  in  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  have  seized  the  -whole  of  the  United  States  navy, 
one-half  of  which  belongs  to  us,  and  design  using  it  against 
us.  "We  have  Ijut  one  resource,  to  meet  the  advantage  they 
possess,  by  this  unjust  seizure.  Wc  must  meet  them  on  the 
high  seas  by  our  privateers.  This  is  our  right,  and  it  will  be 
our  duty  to  exercise  it,  so  long  as  they  wage  war  against  us.  If 
they  observe  the  usages  of  civilized  warfare,  the  Confederate 
States  will  not  disregard  them.  It  is  the  interests  of  all  nations, 
under  the  humane  principles  of  Christianity,  to  ameliorate  as 
far  as  possible  the  inevitable  cruelties  of  vrar.  But  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  in  equal  disregard  of  our  rights,  and 
those  of  all  neutral  nations,  denounce  our  resort  to  this  legiti- 
mate means  of  defence,  and  threatens  to  treat  it  as  piracy.  Re- 
taliation, wiil  follow  the  execution  of  any  such  threats.  It  is  for 
the  people  of  the  United  State  to  determine  -VN'hether  they  wiil 
place  themselves  out  of  the  pale  of  civilized  nations,  by  disre- 
garding their  usages. 

Your  committee  beg  leave  to  report  a  BiU,  recognizing  the 
existence  of  war  between  the  United  States  and  the  Confederate 
States,  and  concerning  letters  of  marque,  prizes,  and  prize 
goods. 


Ti'\ 


